INDIAN CULTURE
INDIAN CULTURE
Vol. I JULY, 1934 — APRIL, 1935 Noa. 1-4
CONTENTS
ARTICLES
CULTURE AND ORDER
Foreword BY Sin D*:va Prasad Saryaimhkary . Kr.. C.I.E., C.B.K.,
M.A..LL.D.
CHIPS FROM AN INDIAN WORKSHOP.
By Sir Braihsdranath Seal Kr., M.A., Ph.I>.. DSc.
NOTES ON ANCIENT HISTORY OK INDIA.
By Dr. D. R. Bhamiarkar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S.B.
SOME BENGAL VAISNAVA WORKS IN SANSKRIT.
By Dr. S. K. De! M.A., IXLitt.
INDO-JAVANESE LITERATURE.
By Dr. R. C. Majukdar. M.A.. Ph D.
LATEST ATTEMPTS TO READ THE INDUS SCRIPT.
By Dr. C- L. KAbrj. Ph.D.
THE V’ANGAS.
By Dp. B. C. Law. M.A.. B.L.. Ph.D.
AN ASOKAN INSCRIPT ON RECONSIDERED.
By Dr. Radka Komcd Mookerji. M.A . Ph.D.
VISNUDSSA— A VAISNAVA REFORMER OF SOUTH INDIA.
By Dr. B. M. Barita, M.A., Dim,
A NEW BRAILMA^A DYNASTY.
BY MH. JOGfcNDRA ClIASDRA GHOSH ••
IS SAMKHYA NON-VEDIC?
By Dr. Sobbbpranath Da-ovpta, M.A Ph.D
BANNER OK THE JINAS AND ITS USE.
Bv Mr. Kavta Prasad Jaim
EDUCATION IN THE TAMIL COUNTRY.
Bv Professor K. A. Nilaeanta Sastrl M.A. . .
THE ORIGIN OF HINDU TEMPLE.
By Dr. P. K. Acharya. Ph.D., DXirr.. M.A.
BUDDHAGHOSA AND THE DATE OF A$OKA.
By Dr. E. J. Thomas. DXrrr., M.A.
Part
I
9
«3
21
3 «
5
57
<>5
7 «
75
79
8i
*5
95
II
CONTESTS
THH KOfiAR : THEIR PLACE IN SOUTH INDIAN HISTORY.
By Mr. V. R. Ramchaxdra Diksuiyab, ALA. ..
THE PATE OF ZOROASTER
Bv Dr. A. BKSKi.mi.K Keith. M.A.. D.C.L, D.Tjtt., Barhi*tef-at-
La w
ON SOME TERMS IN THE NAG ARJUNIKONQA INSCRIPTIONS.
By Mb. P. L. Habi’a. M.A.
THE JAINAS IN THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
By Dr. M. Winternttz. Ph.D.
THE ANCIENT HUNGARIAN SCRIPT AND THE BRAHM
CHARACTERS.
By Dr. C. L. FAhri. Ph.D.
U A I TAN Y A-WORSH I P AS A CULT.
By Dr. S. K. Dk. M.A., D.Un.
DRESS ANP OTHER PERSONAL REQUISITES IN ANCIENT INDIA
(MAN’S INDEBTEDNESS TO PLANTS
By Mr. Gibiia Ppasanna Majcmdar. M.Sc., B.L.
SOME OBSF.RVATIONS ON THE BKHATKATHA ANP ITS ALLEGE
RELATION TO THE MUDRARAKSASA.
By Mr. C. D. Chattebjek. ALA.
THE BUDDHIST VlHAkAS OF BENGAL.
By Mr. Naum Nath Das-guita, M.A.
EDUCATION IN THE TAMIL COUNTRY— II.
By Pkojtrsob K. A. Niiakanta Sastbi. M.A. .
CAPTURE OF BARODA BY MAHARAJA ABHAVASrNCH OF MARWA
Bv PAKTUT Bl.lHE-'ITW ABM A7H RlU’
A CRITIQUE OF APPAYADlKSITA'S CONCEPTION OF MOKSA.
By Mr. AsQKAXATH BiiATrACKARYA, VKnASYATiBTHA, M.A., P.R.S.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF KAUTILYA
By Mr. Harthab V. Tjuvepi, M.A. ..
SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE IN BUDDHIST LOGIC
By Mr. Dcrgachaban Chatterj:. M.A.
NOTES ON ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA.
By Dr. D. R. Bhaxxarear, M.A.. Ph.D.
CULTURE AND SCHOLARSHIP
Bv Dr. E. J. Thomas. M.A.. D.Lirr.
THF. SUFI MOVEMENT IN INDIA.
By Dr. Md. ENAMn. Had. M.A . Ph.I).
Y AVAN AS IN EARLY INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
By Db. Otto Stein. PhD.
A BUDDHIST ESTIMATE OF UNIVERSALS.
By Db. Sahluu Mukebjee, M.A.. Ph D.
THE THREE FACTORS OF VEDIC CULTURE.
By Db. Jkan PpzYT.r5Ki.
SOME ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES.
By Db. B. C. Law, M.A.. B.L.. Ph.D.
Pafr
97
103
107
43
1(1 7
* 7.1
I9T
209
227
235
2.39
2-13
247
263
275
327
333
343
35^
375
38*
CONTENTS
• • •
111
Pare
THE ASPECT AND ORIENTATION* IN HINDU ARCHITECTURE.
By D*. P. K. Achakya, M.A.. D.Lnr.. Ph.D. . . . . • • 393
FOOD (MAN'S INDEBTEDNESS TO PLANTS).
Bv Mb. Gxiuja Pcasanna Majumiavr, M.Sc., B.L. . . ..407
KAUSlKA AND KUSISkA.
By Rax Bakabcr K. L. Bahi a, B.L. . . .. .. 421
EIGHT MEDI/EVAL HINDU IMAGES IN THU COLLECTION OF
PRINCE PRATAPSINGH GAEKWAD.
By Dr. BRNOYto.'K Bhaitaciiaryya. M.A., Ph.D. .. •• 433
VIMUTTIMAGGA AND VISUDDHIMAGGA.
By Db. P. V. Bapat, M.A.. P 11 .D. .. .. .. •• 455
INDRA AND VRTRA.
By Db. A. nkuniKDAi.c Kura, D.C.L., D.Lirx. . . . . . . 461
EARTHQUAKES IN INDIA.
Bv Mb. A. V. M. Abdul Ah. M.A. .. .. .. ..467
THE ERA USED BY THE KUSANA KINGS.
By Mb. Dktrexdra N.V7H Mukherjx. B.Sc. . . . . - - 477
A SHORT NOTE ON THE LIMBUS OK DARJEELING.
By Mr. P. C. Biswas. M.A. . . . . . . . . 4 X 1
THE LAPCHAS OF SIKHIM.
By Mr. P. C. Biswas, M.A. .. .. .. .. 4»3
FIVE RELIEFS OF nAgARJUN!KO$I>A.
By Db. B. M. Babua, M.A., IXUrr. . . .. . . . . 4 6 7
VEDANTA AND SX.MKHYA IN PRIMITIVE BUDDHISM
Bv Du. F. Otto Schrader. 1 *h.D. . . . • . 343
THE HINDU CONCEPTION OF T11K MOTHER LAND
By Db. Radha Kumi'D MoOKEBjri M.A.. Pk.D. .. . . . . 5S3
NOTES ON THE SINGHALESE TRADITION RELATING TO BUDDHA'S
RELICS.
By Hons. Louis Furor . . . . . . . - • • 5^7
THE SUIT MOVEMENT IN INDIA.
BY I>R. Md. Enanui Hau, M.A., rn.ll. .. .. ■•573
GEOGRAPHICAL DATA OF THE DUKHAN AND SOUTH INDIA AS
GATHERED FROM THE RAMAVAJCA
By Mb. V. R. Ramachanura Dikshitar. M.A. .. .. ..579
PURANAS IN THE HISTORY OF SMRTI.
By Mb. Rajbndba Chandra Hazra, M.A. .. .. ..5X7
CULTURAL CHANGE IN PRIMITIVE AND HIGHER STAGES.
By Db. P. Mitba. M.A.. Ph D. .. .. .. ..615
A SCENE FROM THE MUGHAL COURT OF OUDH.
By Mr. Ba&anta Kumar Base . . . . . . . . 629
MR K. P. JAYASVVAI, ON 1HB BHAr.ASiVAS.
By Miss Kahuna Kama Gvwa. M.A. . . - - ■ • *>35
AN IMPORTANT HISTORICAL FEATURE IN THE ANGUTTARA-
NIKAYA.
By Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids, M.A., D.Litt. . .
• • 643
to
CONTENTS
TOILET (MAN'S INDEBTEDNESS TO PLANTS).
By Ms. Giri.ia Prasanna Majumdab, M.Sc., B.I..
THE IDENTIFICATION OF SATIYAPUTA.
By Db. B. A. Sai.store, M.A., PhD.
CITTAVTSUDDHI-PKAKARA.N'A— ITS PALI BASIS.
By Db. B- M. Babua, M.A., D.Litt. (London) ..
MISCELLANEA
SV ATMAN! KARITRAV1RODHAT.
Bv D». I,oms DE La Valle?. Poussin, H.M.R.A.S.
WERE THE BHARASIVAS REALLY PARAMOUNT SOVEREIGNS t
By Mk. Atul K. Scr. M. A.
aSvamedha by samudragupta.
By Db. D. R. Brakdarkab, M.A., PhD.
ART AS DEFINED IN THE BRAHMANAS.
By Dr. B. M. Barca. MA. D.Litt.
IDENTITY OF PIYADASI AND ASOKA.
By Mr. Sailendbanath Mttra, M.A.
INTERCESSION OF KINSMEN ON BEHALF OF CRIMINALS.
By Mb. Sailknoranath Mitba, M.A.
IDENTITY OF ASANDHINITTA AND KALUVXKI.
By Dr. B. M. Barca, M.A.. D.LtTT. . .
DID ASOKA BECOME A BHIKKHU ?
By Dr. B. C. Law, M.V. B.L..P 11 .D.
NATIONAL SHRINES OF THE VRJIS.
Bv Du. B. M. Barca, M A., D Lrrr. . .
ESTIMATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ORISSA.
By Db. B. M. Babua, M.A., D.Litt.
NOTE ON TWO JAIN IMAGES FROM SOUTH INDIA
By Mr. P. C. Nahar, M.A.. B.L.
THREE BASKETS OF KNOWLEDGE AMONGST THE MAORIS.
Bv Da. P. Mitra, M.A , Ph D.
IMPORTANCE OF THE BHABRU EDICT.
By Db. B. C. Law, M.A., B.L., Ph D.
EDIT 10 PRINCE PS OF THE COMMENTARY OF VENKATA M A DH A V
ON THE NIRUKTA.
By Db. Lakshhak Sarlt. M.A.. D.Phiu (Oxon)
KAKKX AND KAKUDHA.
By Db. B. M. Babua. M.A., D.Litt.
MAHAYANIST AND TANTRIK TEXTS IN BURMA.
By Mb. NiharranjaX Ray, M.A., P.R.S.
SlVA-BUDDHA IN OI.D-JAVANESE RECORDS.
Br Mk. Himassu Bhutan Sahkab. M.A.
IS SAHASANKA ERA THE SAME AS VIKRAMA ERA ?
Br Mb. Jooendra Chandra Ghosh
CONTENTS
V
THE DATE OF THH DEATH OF THE CHEDI KING GANGEYADEVA
AN D THE ACCESSION OF HIS SON KARNADEVA TO THE THRONE.
Bv Mr. Jogendra Chandra Ghosh . .
THE REIGN PERIOD OF KING MAH I PAL A I OF BENGAL.
Bv Mr. Jogexdra Chandra Ghc<sk . .
THE DATE OF' THE NALAXDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASR1M1TRA
Bv Mr. Jocbndra Chandra Giiosh . .
REVOLT OF VANG AI.AS IN THE REIGN OF MAH IP ALA I.
Bv Mr. Jogexdra Chandra Ghosh . .
TWO BUDDHAGHOSAS.
Bv Dr. B. M. BASUA, M.A., D.LiTT. ..
THE SCFI MOVEMENT IN INDIA.
By Dr. Md. Enahul HAy, M.A., Ph.D.
WERE THE MAUKHAKIS MALAVAS ? WERE THE MALAVAS A
ETHNIC TYPE ?
Bv Mr. Nihabrax/ax Ray. M.A., F.R.S.
WHO, WERE THE AUTHORS OF MOHENJO-DARO CULTURE >
Bv Mr. Artx K. Si r. M.A.
SOME NOTES ON TRIBES OF ANCIENT INDIA.
By Dr. B. C. Law. M.A. B.L.. Ph.D.
BOGUS BODH-GAYA PLAQUE.
By Dr. B. M. Barua, M.A., D-Litt.
THE RAJUKA 8 AND PRADESIKAS OF ASOKA IN RELATION TO TH
YUTAS.
Bv Mr. Sailexdraxath Mitra, M.A.
ASVAMEDHA.
Bv Mr. Dines Chandra Sircar, M.A.
THE HR HAT KATHA. THE ML DR ARAKS.VSA. AND THE AVALOK
OF DHANIKA ON THE DASarOPAK.V
Bv Mr. V. Raohavax
WHO WERE THE SATIYAPUTRAS ?
By Mr. V. R. RahaQiandra Dikshitar. M.A. . .
EXAMPLES OF ALAM KARAS FROM THE THKRA-THERI-GATHA.
By Mr. Madhcsvdax Rov
DATE OF §ALANKAYANA DF.Y.AV ARMAN.
Bv Mr. Dixesh Chandra Sircar, M.A.
HALAYUDHA.
By Mr. Jogexdra Chaxdra Ghosh
INDRAMITRA AND BRAHMAMITRA.
Bv Mr. Ivonsa Chaxdra Ghatak, M.A.
NOTES ON THE NAGARS.
By Mr. Jooendra Chaxdra Ghosh ..
THE ORIGIN OF THE PRATlHARAS.
Bv Miss Bhramas Ghosh. M.A.
Pagr
J6i)
2-W
291
29i
294
293
29 «
300
3"i
308
3D
491
403
4Q6
49 S
502
5<X»
5 »7
5 «°>
v i CONTEXTS
Pa*
THE CASTE OF THE SATAVAHANA RULERS OF THE DECCAN.
By Miss Bhramar Ghobm, M.A. .. .. •• .. 51*
VISN’UPADA GIRI.
' By Me. Jogendra Chandra Ghosu . . . . . . - - 3*5
DID NOT VAVANA DENOTE PERSIANS EVEN BEFORE THE SECOND
CENTURY A D. ?
By Miss Bhramar Ghosh. M.A. .. .. .. -> 5:9
KOSALA.
By D>. B. C. Law, M.A.. BI,„ Ph D . . • • S«
A PRELIMINARY STUDV ON THE RATE OF GROWTH OF THE
BENGALEE STUDENTS.
By Dx. A. Ckatterjea, M.B., B.S. .. .. • • •• 5*4
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE FIJIAN HAIR
By Mr. J. K. Can, M.A. .. •• 5*6
STUDIES IN PULSE AND RESPIRATION RATES AMONG THE
BENGALIS.
Bv Captain R. N. Basu and Mr. J. K. Gan. M.A. . . • • 5 jS
THE SUNDARBAN PLATE OF DOMMA $ APA LA.
By Ma. Dines Chandra Sircar. M.A. . . . . • • <*79
THE WORD ' UPATALPA
Bv Ma. Da^abatha Shakma, M.A. . . . - . . • • 642
THE MAUKHARIS WERE NOT' MA LAVAS.
By Ma. Pines Chandra Sircar, M.A. .. .. .. W 4
A NOTE ON THE TERM 1 ANTARANGA \
By Mr. Naum: Nath Das Gupta, M.A. .. .. •• <»4
BUDDHIST PARA MIT A.
By Dr. B. C. Law, M.A.. B.I,., Ph.D. .. .. .. M6
A GOLD COIN OF BUDHAGUPTA.
By Ms. Sarasi Kumar Saraswati . . . . . . . . 091
THE CORRECT INTERPRETATION OF THE INTERCALARY MONTH
IN THE GRANT OF SARVANATHA.
By Mr. Dhiresdranatii Mckiuirji. B.Sc. .. .. -- ^93
A FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION FROM KOSAM.
Bv Ma. Aualananda Ghohi, M.A. . . . . . . . . 693
INIIRAM1TRA AND BRAHMAMITRA
By Ma. Ami. Chandra Bamirjeu. M.A. .. .. ..<//>
NAGAR BRAHMANS AND SYI.HET.
Bv Rai Bahadur Amarnatii Ray . . . . . . . . 6ij&
NAGAR BRAHMANS AND SYLHET (A REJOINDER).
Bv Rai Bahadur K. L. Barua. B.L. . . . . . . 701
A BENGALI POET IN THE COURT OF BHOJA
By Dk. Bt.N'OYTO.SH Bhattacharyya, M.A . Fli.D. . . . . oa
aSVAMEDHA— A REJOINDER.
By Mb. Atot, K. Sob, M.A. .. .. .. >4
ARJITNA MJ§RA
By Mb. J06BNDRA Chandra Chosh . . . . . . . . 6
CONTENTS
vii
PlK
A VKDtC BASIS FOR THE ETYMOLOGIES IN THE NIRUJCTA BY
YASKA.
Bv Mr. Rcua Ram Kasyap, M.Sc. . . . . . . 710
THE MAGHAS OF KAU&AMBI.
By Mr. Amalanaxda Ghosh, m.A. .. .. .. .. 715
REVIEWS.
AJANTA: THE COLOUR AND MONOCHROME REPRODUCTIONS 01 ?
THE AJANTA I-RESCOES BASED ON PHOTOGRAPHY.
By Dr. D. R. Bhandarkah .. .. .. -.135
BARLY HISTORY OF KAMA Rt) PA.
By Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar .. .. .. .. 136
BARHt'T BOOK I : STONE .VS A STORY-TELLER.
Rv Dr. C. L. FXbri „ .. .. .. .138
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE IN THE \TJAYANAT..\RA EMPIRE.
VOI.S. I AND II.
By Dr. H. C. Ravchaudhuri .. .. . . 139
KALIDASBR PAKHI.
By Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar .. .. .. .. 315
EDUCATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.
By Rat Khagesdraxath Mittf.r BAHADUR .. .. .. 3:6
THE HISTORY OF NORTH-EASTERN INDIA.
By Dr. P. C. Baqchi .. .. .. .. .. 317
THE BASIC CONCEPTION OF BUDDHISM.
By Dr. B. C. Law .. . . .. .. ..319
SANNYASI AND FAKIR RAIDERS IN BENGAL.
By Mr. Chari - Chandra Das Gupta . . . . . 531
HISTORY OF THE RASITI RAKCjAS (RAtHODSL
By Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar .. .. .. - - 532
ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES. VOL. II.
By Dx. A. Bkrriedale Keith .. .. .. -.533
BUDDHISM (A HISTORICAL AND DOGMATICAL SKETCH).
By Dr. B. C Law . . . . . . . . . . 534
EXPLORATION IN SIND.
By db. paxchaxax Mitra .. .. .. .. 53s
A SOUVENIR OF THE SILVER JUBILEE CELEBRATION OF THE
DEPARTMENT FOR THE PUBLICATION OF ORIENTAL
MANUSCRIPTS, TRIVANDRUM.
By Dr. D. R. Bhaxdarkar . . . • • 5 #
THE UNIVERSITY OF NALANDA.
Bv Dr. B. C. Law .. .. .. .. .. 717
DYNASTIC HISTORY OF NORTHERN INDIA (EARLY MEDIAEVAL
PERIOD), VOL. I.
Bv Mr. Dines Cbaxdra Sircar .. .. .. ..718
CONTENTS
THE VIPASSANA DTPANl OR THE MANUAL OF INSIGHT BY
MAHATHERA I.EDI SAVA DAW. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH
by u. ny Ana.
By Ds. B. C. Law .. •• . •• •- 7>9
BUDDHISM — ITS BIRTH AND DISPERSAL (REVISED EDITION).
Bv Di- B. M. Barca -- .. •• •• ••7IQ
THF. NAISADHACARITA OFSRTHARSA. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH
BY K. K. HAXDIQUI.
By I’bop. Vakahau Vedantatibtha, M.A. .. .. -.721
K AULA INaNA-NI RNAYA AND SOME MINOR TEXTS OF THE
SCHOOL OF MATSYENDRANATHA.
By D». D. R. Brasuarkar .. •• --723
CANONS OF ORISSAN ARCHITECTURE.
By Mr. Chasu Chandra Da3 Citpta, M.A. . . - . • - 7 2 4
BHATTACINTAMANI.
Bv Db. Satkari Mookkrjkb -. .. .. .• 7*5
VEDIC HYMNS.
By Mb. Kaiibanjas Mukhbribb. M.A. .. .. ..727
A QUERY (ABOUT SALYA TANTRA). . . • . 7*7
IMPORTANT CONTRlBl’TIONSTOORIENTAL JOURNALS. 141 . 321. 539 . 729
CULTURE AND ORDER
Foreword By Sir Deva Prasad Sarvadhikary, Kt.
(President, Indian Research Institute)
It might appear to be too late in the day to have to define or
defend ' Culture which is the foundation, the base, and the bed-
rock of order and orderliness in their broadest and best sense. The
contrary, however, seems to be the case, and wonder of wonders
such is the case, in regions best and most permeated and pre-
dominated by Culture, also in its best and the broadest sense. The
case of such an individual was like that of one who proclaimed that
he did not know what Prose was though he was speaking Prose all
his life.
This remark can be best illustrated and in the shortest way
by two quotations from two of the most cultured men of the Inst
century. The famous statesman, orator, and philanthropist,
John Bright, almost in a perverse and ‘ cussed ’ fashion once pro-
claimed, ‘People who talk about what they call culture, by which
they mean a smattering of the two dead languages — Greek and
Latin. How poor a thing this culture is, how little good it can
do to the world, and how absurd it is for its possessors to set much
store by it
Another famous protagonist of real Culture and one of the
most cultured of men took upon himself to speak of Culture in the
same strain. Frederic Harrison observed, ‘Perhaps the very silliest
cant of the day is the cant about culture. Culture is a desirable
quality in a critic of new books, and sits well on a professor of
“ belles letters” ; but as applied to politics, it means simply a turn
for small fault-finding, love of selfish ease, and indecision m action.
The man of culture is in politics one of the poorest mortals alive.
For simple pedantry and want of good sense no man is his equal.
No assumption is too unreal, no end is too unpractical for him.'
The offending ‘ smattering of Greek and Latin ', now at a much
greater discount than ever even in Cambridge and Oxford, or shall
I say Oxford and Cambridge, should oue would have thought, no
longer bring this diatribe on Culture. But the stream of vitupera-
tion has by no means ceased. As late as 1933, Mr. Burton Roscoc
in the preface to his admirable ' Titans of Literature ’ says, ‘ More
nonsense has been written about tlic Greeks than about any ocher
race of people. This is because their tremendously rich literature
a
INDIAN CULTURE
has begot a rich literature, rich in nonsense as well as sense.’
This sense of non-sense is remarkable in an author who in spite of
himself has done yeomen service to the better and proper under-
standing of Greek" and Latin literature. It is a pity that he had
not read earlier Prof. Pearl’s work, ' To Begin with which he
himself describes as a ' Prophylactic against Pedantry Strange-
ly enough, this Prophylactes prescribes from ' Lucretius ’ to * Balzac
and Anatole France ’ as some of the antidotes against the prevailing
melody of Pedantry. Though we have not lacked support and
appreciation there are and had been those to whom the ethics
about ‘ Little Latin ' and ' Less Greek ' in the domains of Sanskrit.
Pali, Arabic, and Persian have not been wanting. F.thics of this
type have still to be accommodated and reckoned with, particularly
as Type-writing, Accountancy, Tailoring, and Actuarial Economics
which have begun claiming monopoly in seats of learning, threatened
to eclipse also our temple for the Advancement of learning — our
University.
Mathew Arnold, the last century apostle of ' Sweetness and
Light ’ looked upon Culture as the foe of caut, vandalism, and vul-
garity. He hated ‘ Clap -trap ’ as much as Hebraism the stronghold
of narrow bigotry aud pert and perverse pertinacity. Hellenism
was his creed — the Salt of the Earth and the saving-grace of hu-
manity. Minerva was the daughter of Jove as Saraswati was of
Brahma. One can ill afford to ignore the elephant-headed presiding
deity of Wisdom and Success riding Iris xnousc-charger and his
brother, Heaven’s Generalissimo who arc all more or less prototypes
of Culture. Mahamaya’s entourage is not unreasonably and in-
effectively predominated by Saraswati, Gancsa, and Kcrtikeya,
multiple forces of Culture in the grand scheme of the Universe.
Monte&quien says : ‘ The first motive which ought to impel
us to study is the desire to augment the excellence of our nature,
and to render an intelligent being yet more intelligent This is
tire true ground, says Mathew Arnold. ‘ to assign for- the genuine
scientific passion, however manifested, and for culture, viewed
simply as a fruit of this passion There is of Culture the prevailing
view ‘ that in all the love of our neighbour, the impulses towards
action, help and beneficence, the desire for removing human error,
clearing human confusion and diminishing human misery’, the
noble aspiration to leave the world better and happier than we
found it, — motives eminently such as are called social, — come in as
part of the grounds of culture ’ — the main and the pre-eminent part.
Culture may, according to Mathew Arnold, be properly described
‘ not as having its origin in curiosity : but as love of perfection ;
it is study of perfection. It moves by the force, not merely or
CULTURE AXD ORDER
primarily of tire sdentific passion for pure knowledge but also moral
and social passion for doing good.’
As in the first view of it, we took for its worthy motto Mon-
tesquien’s words : ‘ To render an intelligent being yet more in-
telligent so, in the second view of it, there is no better motto
which it can have than the words of Bishop Wilson : ' To make
reason and the will of Clod prevail
This vein need hardly be pursued very much further for our
present purposes than to deplore that in the wake of so-called
'Utilitarianism ’ the study, appreciation, and absorption of culture
is on the wane. Horrors are being perpetrated in some sections
of modem literature in the name of Art and the tide has to be
stemmed. Bengali Vernacular which is daily gathering remarkable
vigour and energy has long been casting about for a suitable name
for Culture, and among the many that have been suggested, one
finds ' KrisJi 4 C hatch: ' Sadhana ’, ‘ A lochuna ’, and 4 Antisilatl’.
The appropriateness and suggestiveness of any of these names need
not detain us, except as an index of the widespread desire and
demand for the growth and expansion of real cultural ideals, idea?,
and formulre. Culture is bound to prevail, however much one may
deprecate, the smattering of any old or mid-old Classics. It is
recognized to be and is the bed-rock of order and orderliness without
wliich no social entity can be evolved or exist. Sahilya is the
Sanskrit equivalent of what is nonrally connoted as literature.
The wise ancient saying :
“ -*|W| irspfir rTl
■ The time of the wise and the intellectual is passed by the
pastime of Kavya and Shastras or Literature — worldly and other-
worldly.’ Here is the key-ucte of the situation and the seeming
pastime is really the cement that goes deep down the foundation
and constitutes the bed-rock.
Where there is little time, capacity or inclination for dose and
deep scholarship even 4 smattering ' or casual acquaintance is
helpful and healthful. The Calcutta University not caring or daring
to deal with Culture at large, has for the moment shown courage
by adopting ‘ Indian History and Culture ' as one of the subjects
for higher studies. This is a first good step Thereby, however,
it does not ignore or give the go-by to Culture of other ilk and
with a larger venue. All its curricula and courses of study, how-
ever seemingly utilitarian, make forth the growth and promotion
of Culture in the broader and the letter sense.
Search and reverence i or the old and the past, as helping in
the understanding of the present ar.d in the strengthening and
4
INDIAN* CULTURE
reinforcement of the future, have a great place in real Culture. This
has been the motto and motive of the Indian Research Institute
which in spite of untold handicap has set before itself the great tn«k
of the publication of an acceptable and useful edition of the ‘ Vedas
The difficulties in our way have gradually assumed much larger
proportions than we had bargained for, because of lack of capacity
and inclination for work of this description on the part of many
people to whom credit for this class of work has been unwittingly
but fondly given. We have to retrace our steps, correct our mistakes
and miscalculations, and plod on more doggedly and determinately
than ever in our new found path. One of the methods for crea-
tion and strengthening of public opinion in favour and in the
interest of Culture would be the undertaking to which we have
now resolved to commit ourselves. There is no lack of Journals
and journalistic enterprise in the learned world, which on the other
hand seems to suffer according to certain standards and ideas
rather from a plethora. But every ideal for propagation and
promotion of public opinion as also the demand for manifesta-
tion and clarification of its ' Objects and Reasons ’ must have
a platform of its own. Such a platform has its value as it can
set forth fiorn time to time and help in diffusing the reasons, the
utility, the practicability, and the essential desirability of ideals,
as such. Such a platform can also assist in the removal ana
rectification of errors, miscalculations and misapprehensions and
in focussing the views, demands, and necessities of its votaries, that
resolve to worship in the same temple.
In addition to our Vedic work, the Institute during its very
short existence has succeeded, through the generosity and public
spirit of Dr. Bimala Churn haw, a worthy scion of a wealthy, pious,
and public-spirited family, in bringing out an acceptable edition of
' Barhut’ under the capable and scholarly editorship of Dr. B. M.
Barua. Similar other ventures are in view and how' far success
will attend our endeavours in the directions that we arc projxjsing
to ourselves, will depend upon the volume of enlightened and sym-
patbetic public opinion that we can create, and public demand that
we can evolve.
The Journal, which again owes its inception and energizing
inspiration to the generosity of Dr. Bimala Chum Law and
to the determined zeal and unflagging devotion of our Secre-
tary, Mi. Satis Chandra Seal, will endeavour to focus suggestions,
criticisms, and ideas. It will as far as our means and resources
permit give at once an organic shape to unconnected ideas of
our programme in hand and our contemplated field of action. It
will try to afford to all devoted workers an impartial forum, under
CCI.TURK AND ORDER
->
the capable editorship of Dr. D. R Bhandarkar, long and honourably
connected with tlie epoch-making Journal * Indian Antiquary ,
with willing co-operation of Dr. B. M. Barua and Dr. B. C. Law.
We soon expect and propose to have our self-contained office
and Press which will make our work quicker, easier, and smoother.
Regarding our contemplated publication of the Vedas, the gigantic
proportions of which will be some explanation of our seeming
slowness, every effort is being made to quicken them on modified
line found necessary and unavoidable under altered circumstances
of which premonition and prevision were impossible. Apart from
other beneficent resultants of our proposed publications in tlie
domains of Spirituality, Antiquity, Linguistics, and Economy, we
set forth high stores by them on the score of much decried Culture
which in the march of things, must once again cornc into its own.
To come back once more to Frederick Harrison. He in his
narrow and crabbed concept of Culture looks upon the cultured
man as the useless i iildantU. He thinks that cultured people are
the only class, perhaps they are tlie only class of responsible 1 icings
in the community who cannot with safety be entrusted with power.
Frederick Harrison proceeds in this strain and says, ' Tlie active
exercise of politics requires common sense, sympathy, trust, resolu-
tion and enthusiasm, qualities which your man of culture lias
carefully rooted up, lest they damage the delicacy of his critical
olfactories
This large-minded and really cultured man, the exponent of
August Comte and Positivism to the British Phelistines, as Mathew
Arnold called them, did tremendous injustice to Culture in the West
as well as in the East when lie gave utterance to these highly
Plieli stine-Iike sentiments. Big men of action in the West have
als o been some of the biggest men of Culture. Not to multiply
names, this is best illustrated by the conquering Ciesar and his
edifying commentaries.
So has been the case in what to tlie West goes as the sleepy
and the dreamy East. Banldm Chandra Chatterjee in his monu-
mental study of Srikrishna, the pivot of modern reaction in Hinduism,
has forcibly analysed and illustrated many-sided and variegated activ-
ities of the Man of Thought and Speculation, of organization and of
action,— an Ideal, a second of which the world has not been blessed
with. And who can in tliis concern forget Srikrishna’s typical
disciple tlie Knight Vaishnava or Yaishnavite Knight— Vishma,
so powerfully portrayed in the Mahabharata and Srimad Bhagvat
with harmonious combination of Action, Administration, Specula-
tion, Sacrifice, and Spirituality in bis immeasurably gigantic
personality— a true type of true Culture.
6
INDIAN' CULTURE
The name of Ghana kya Kautilya will strike the most casual
of thinkers as illustrating balanced Culture and Action. Names
could be multiplied ad libitum if necessity arose.
To pick out only a few names in the special domains of that sec-
tion of Culture with which we are for the moment in particular con-
cerned, the names of Madhavacharya (Vidyaranya) and Sayaucharya
in the South, and Rupa and Sanatana * inspired ' by Sree Chaitanya
in the North, will strike many as giving practical contradiction to
Frederick Harrison’s poorly conceived dictum. Who were greater
scholars, thinkers, teachers, and at the same time administrators and
organizers than Madhava andSayana whose impress on Vedic learning
is an abiding asset in high grade Culture ? Who left a deeper impress
on Northern Vaishnava spirituality than the thinkers, philosophers,
and administrators, Rupa and Sanatana P It is not of, ‘ Blucher-
booted Kulter’, the pernicious creed of pre-war Prussia that rased
Luvaiu, and ultimately rased pre-war German imperialism of which
one cares to think in this concern. Rather would oue thick of and
teach Indra-Birochana Philosophy, the leveller and at the same
time the upliftcr of ideals that may for ascendency, development, and
stability of what Ar.cient India at cod for and in spite of passing
ages still stand for and will yet abide. Out reference would not he
complete without mention of the many-sided activities of that colos-
sal creation and creator of Modern India — Raja Ram Mohun Ray, the
centenary of whose death was celebrated with so much eclat last year.
Dr. S. N Das Gupta, one of our contributors, has in his well-
known ‘History of Indian Philosophy’ abundantly made it dear
that the most important achievement of Indian thought was
Philosophy and it was regarded as the goal of all the highest
practical and theoretical activities. He indicated the point of
unity amidst all the apparent diversities which the complex
growth of Culture has over a vast area. Dr. Das Gupta goes on to
add : ' The unity of India is essentially oue of spiritual aspira-
tions and obedience to the I,aw of the Spirit’. This indeed
proves how Culture is the basis and hed-rock of order and order-
liness. It is indeed theoretical hut much more than theoretical;
it is much more practical than it is theoretical — a position that
neither John Bright nor Frederick Harrison and small-vision men
like them, who deprecate Culture could imagine or appreciate.
The spiritual and the practical integrity of our Culture lias uever
been affected by passing political, social, or even intellectual
phenomena that have, age after age, swept over India. A study of
its Philosophy will convince open-minded investigator of the
essential unity and practical efficiency of Culture— and particularly
of Hindu Culture.
CULTURE ANT» ORDER
/
The Culture that we want to visualise and assimilate is neither
narrow nor lop-sided blit is broad-based, universal, and all-pervading.
A glance at the credentials of our Board of Editors, Advisory
Committee, and contributors will convince the most casual and
capricious of critics that ours are not sectional or sectarian ideals
but we aim at an all-coniprehcnsive programme and routine of work
for the uplift of worldly and other-worldly level of humanity as an
organic whole. We, who are engaged In the arduous and possibly
thankless task of trying to bring home to the seeker the master-
pieces in Thought and Speculation of the Past cannot ignore l>ooks
;uid what they stand for. At the same time we do not ignore
but must frankly recognise the great place that well-conducted
journals have won for themselves in the development of cultural
ideals in domains of Spirituality, of Art and Arts, and of Science
and of Literature. They arc much more than a pastime and an
entertaining interlude. They help in focussing on a common and
easily accessible plane the wisdom of the past and tlie speculations
and the discoveries of the present, in which achievement they have
been singularly fortunate and successful. How extensive is the
capacity of journals in this direction will be perceived from the
fact that one learned Society in Calcutta— the Asiatic Society of
Bengal — gets placed on its tables for the benefit of enquiring members
as well as of record as many as S6 high class journals. Without
taking into consideration the more or less ephemeral and dilelanite
style of work of lesser journals and magazines, one can form an
idea of the immense path that is possible for our Research Journal
to take in the Advancement of Learning, growth of cultural ideals,
and development of speculation.
Ours is an humble but devoted effort to supplement the labours
of this band of constant workers in keeping our mission in the
forefront of the intellectual and spiritual workiugs of the day and
to keep the flag flying.
May the God of Nations bless and prosper the humble efforts
of the Institute tliat has set itself to it the task of placing before
seekers rich stores of the past, which have more or less bceu a
sealed book to the general public.
CHIPS FROM AN INDIAN WORKSHOP
By Sir Brajendranath Sea:,, Kt.
This workshop has long ceased to resound with the stroke of
the hammer, but stray chips collected from the debris will be found
here from time to time.
10
INDIAN CULTURE
r.
The coming world-order
(a) The Russian model or plan.
In Russia, since the Revolution the established socio-political
order is communistic, but latterly it lias been tempered by the
recognition of the individual's claim to remuneration in the form
of wages This has been forced on communistic Russia on account
of the foreigners who had been employed under the new organization.
It has, however, gradually been extended so as to form an element
of the economic system.
(ft) The Anglo-American Model.
The basis of this system is capitalism and the recognition of
individual ownership of property as normal and basic. But it
also has had to be tempered by socialistic taxation so that the
socio-political organization is tending towards a sort of profit-
sharing co-partnership between the capitalists, and the State as
representing labour and the masses.
A’.fi.— In Eugland capitalism is being bolstered up by the intro-
duction of the dole system as a preventive of possible socialistic
legislation but the dole system means a confession that pure cap-
italism has failed as a solution of the problem.
The above two schemes may be briefly described as (i) com-
munism tempered by the recognition of individuals' share in earnings
or wages, aud (2) individualistic capitalism tempered by State
sharing of profits.
These two tendencies of socio-political organization will move
towards rapprochetnen! and merge at last in a socio economic
order which will combine both individualism and socialism. The
new order will theiefore be based on the recognition both of private
ownership and communal or State ownership in proper measure
and context.
The right remedy against the absurdity of doles is reorganiza-
tion or the labour and wage-system so as to provide work for every
able-bodied individual with such remuneration as will maintain
a normal family with facilities for education, necessary medical
aid, and recreation. Conversely, every individual citizen will be
under obligation to the State to work for a certain number of
hours which gradually may be reduced to four hours a day— this
being sufficient with the coming improvements in small mechanical
appliances to produce all that is necessary' for healthy maintenance
of individual life, even if the population should grow to three-fold
CHIPS FROM AX INDIAN WORKSHOP II
its present numerical strength. A programme of four hours’ daily
labour i* within the range of visibility.
n.
The problem of -jar : How to end war :
(1) A possible solution.
The problem of war will loom large in the immediate future
and an effective solution may be imagined on one of several lines.
No doubt it would be difficult if not impossible to give body and
shape to such imaginary or fanciful schemes, but we may conceive
that, with the march of science, a time may come when war would
become too destructive to be seriously contemplated by the rival
world-powers.
For example,—
(n) If electricity could be brought down from the clouds and
employed for the destruction of war-materials of the
enemy, the incentive to war under such terrible condi-
tions will certainly be considerably enfeebled ;
(6) Or again, if ether-waves could be transmitted not merely
for the communication of messages (as under the
wireless system), but also for the destruction of
materials of war (e.g. powder-magazines, etc.), or of
the enemy’s strongholds, war would be rendered im-
possible under such conditions ;
(<•) Or again, if Science should discover a means of dislodging
even a single atom with a resulting liberation of energy
followed by a universal crash and destruction of the
entire material system, the incentive to war will also
cease under such terrible conditions.
These are only three of the many possible ways in which we
might fancy that war might be rendered impossible by the applica-
tion of science.
( 2 ) Another solution.
An international pact in which the contro] of the world's
military and naval organizations will be vested in a body of re-
presentatives of all the important nations may also be effective in
preventing wars in the future. It will he effective only as non-
participating or belligerent nations arc subjected to economic
boycott and, if necessary, to international military sanctions.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA
By D. R. Bhandarkar
(i) Pradyota and his brother Kumdrasena
At the end of Chapter VI of the Harsacarita of Bdna there is
a passage which specifies the instances of rulers coining to grief
through their over-confiding nature. As it contains many political
episodes of importance, the passage has naturally attracted the
attention of many scholars ever since 1859 when F. E. Hall first
brought it to our notice. For many more years attention will he
bestowed upon it, because with the advance of our knowledge
of Ancient India more and better light must be thrown upon many
of these political incidents, which, being thus property interpreted
and understood will, in their turn, make distinct contributions to
the ancient history of India. One such episode I discussed in my
pajier New Light on the Early Gupta History, published in the
A Ialaviya Commemoration Volume, 1932, p. 18911. Here 1 propo-e
to consider the incident referred to in the sentence : Mahakala-
mahe ca niah<LmfiOisa-vikraya-vfida-vatQlaib vetalas=Talajafigho
jagliaua jaghanyajarh Pradyotasya Paunikarh Kumarair. Kuina-
raseuam.' This passage was some time ago ably discussed by Dr.
S. N. Pradhan in the Sir Asutosh Mookcrjec Silver Jubilee Volume,
Orientalia, Pt. 3, pp. .425-27. Hut as our knowledge is progressing,
no excuse is needed for its re-consideration here. It may he
translated here as follows : ‘ KumSrasena, sou of Punika and younger
brother of Pradyota, was slain at the festival of Mah&kala by the
vampire Talajangha, while (he was) crazy with discussion about
selling human flesh
The mention of the god Mahakala shows that this incident
took place in Ujjain which is still celebrated for the temple of
Mah 3 kala. This inference is supported by the specification of the
name of Pradyota who can be no other than Canda Mahasena
Pradyota, a well-known ruler of Ujjain, and a contemporary of
Buddha. Of this Pradyota, Kumar asena was a jaghanyaja, that is,
1 H armor ita (Bo. $k. Pfc. Series), p. 270. Here I adopt the reading Paufftiutm
noticed in the foot-note and not the reading Paunaki’ii adopted in the text. The
reason will be obvious as we proceed turther in this paper.
* My rendering. O! course, dificrs la some important respects from that given
by Covcil and Tb 003 as in their Translation of The Har:a-czrUa cf Bi/na, p. 193 .
INDIAN' CULTURE
14
‘ a younger brother ' as the commentator SaiiikaiSrya has explained
it. This is proved further by the fact that Kumarasena has been
called Pautjika, that is, son of Puiuka, who, as was correctly pointed
out by Dr. Pradhan, must refer to tire father of Pradyota. The
actual variants of his name, as they occur in the Puranas, are Pulika,
Mulika and Sunika and Sunaka. And it is not difficult to perceive
that the correct form must be Pupika as preserved in the Harsacar-
ita, especially as it offers no variant of the name. We thus sec
that Kumarasena was a son of Punika and a younger brother of
Pradyota. We do not, however, know what is exactly meant when
we are told that he was ' crazy with discussion about selling human
flesh This much is pretty certain that human sacrifice was
known and practised in the temple of MahakSla in the time of
Pradyota, but we do not know whether Kumarasena was in favour
of it or against it. Who, again, could be the vampire Tulajaugaa ?
Was he a real vampire or a human vampire ? If the episode here
described is a historical one (and we can have no reasonable doubt
on this point), Talajafigha must be taken to be a human being
and we have to suppose that he was called a Vetfila or vampire
because he treacherously murdered Kumirusena. If Talajangha
was thus a man and not an unreal being, who could he be ? Those
who have studied the Puranas 1 know full well that Talajanghas
were a clan of the Haihaya race. The most reuowned king of this
race was Kartavirya-Sahasrarajuna. One of his sons was Jayadh-
vaja who became a ruler of Avanti. His son was Talajangha
from whom emanated a number of dans such as Vltiliotias, Sujatas,
Bhojas, Tundikeras, Tfllajanghas and so forth. These clans again
were designated by the generic name of Talajangha. Talajangha
was thus used in a two-fold sense. It denoted the whole race
sprung from Talajangha, son of Jayadhvaja, and also a particular
section of the same. But as Jayadhvaja is spoken of as Avantya
or ruler of the Avanti country, it seems that the T3lajaiighas were
in occupation of the province round about Ujjaiu. This agrees
with what is implied by the HarsacariU, for when it represents
Kumarasena to have been killed unawares by a Talajangha, the
reasonable inference is that the Talajanghas were in possession of the
Avanti country l>cfore Pradyota made himself master of it. And
further it seems that the Tilajanghas were always ready for that
reason to wreak vengeance upon the family to which Pradyota
belonged, and a suitable opportunity offered itself to them when
'***»*. cap. 91. vs. 48-52; Maisya-p., cap. 43, vs. 45-49; HarivamU,
vs. 1891-1895. It will be seen that one text nms through th<se accounts though
th*y present various readings.
VOTES OV A VC TENT HISTORY OF INDIA
35
Kumarasena, brother of Pradyota, was so much absorbed in the
discussion about the selling of human flesh that he was thrown off
his guard and thus fell a prey to the machinations of lhs enemy.
In this connection it is worth while turning our attention to
what the Puranas say about Pradyota’s accession to the throne.
The well-known lines bearing upon this point are as follows :
Brhadrathesv=atitosu Vitihotresv — Avantisu
Punikah svSminath hatvS sva-putram = abhi.se ksyati
Misatam ksatriyanSm ca Pradyotam Punikn balat
Tliis may be translated as follows : ' When the Brhadrathas
have passed away and the Vitihotras (rule) iu tile Avanti country,
Punika will kill his master and anoint his own son Pradyota, by
force, in the very sight of the Ksatriyas'. Tins translation is
E radically the same as that given by K. E . Pargiter except in the
rst line. This line he translates as follows: ' When the Brhad-
rathas, Vitihotras and Avantis have passed away But this makes
no sense, because the Brhadrathas were kings of Magarlha, whereas
the Vitihotras were in Centra! India. What is therefore meant by-
saying that Pradyota was installed as king apparently at I'jjain
when the Brhadrathas and Vitihotras had passed away ? This
sense establishes no connectedness. What is intended is that
when the Brhadrathas, who were the supreme rulers of North India,
bad disappeared, the Vitihotras seized the Avanti country- and
that while they were ruling at Ujjain Pupika forcibly put his son
Pradyota on the throne. It seems that before Pradyota became
king, the Avanti country was ruled over by the Vitihotras who were
a branch of the T&kajaughas. This adequately explains why a
Talajahgha should kill Kumarasena, brother of Pradyota, in the
temple of Mahakala, as Bana informs us. Secondly*, it seems that
Pupika was apparently a general of his Vltihotra master. The
story- of a general killing his master, rhe king, and usurping his
throne is too common au incident at this period to requite any
elucidation, and has many a time been detailed in the Puranas.
Thirdly, as we are told that Punika killed his master and placed his
son on the throne while the Ksatriyas were helpless and merely-
looking on, it raises the presumption that the father and the son
were not Ksatriyas hy caste. And the question arises: who could
they lx* ? If we now turn to the MrccJiak/ifiku, we find that it
speaks of one Arvaka who was a sou of (lopala and who was for
long in hiding in ' a settlement of herdsmen ' to escape from the
machinations of Palaka. All scholars are now agreed that this
* DyMUiei of In- Kill Aft. p. 6$.
i6
INDIAN Cin.TITRR
Aryaka was a grandson of Pradyota who had the two sous, Gopala
and P 31 aka, and that Gop 5 la abdicated the throne of Ujjain in
favour of his younger brother, Palaka. P 51 aka, however, was
suspicious of his nephew Aryaka and therefore put him into a prison.
Before, however, he was arrested, Aryaka, we are informed, concealed
himself in ' a settlement of herdsmen The actual Sanskrit word
used for it is gko$a, which, according to the Amarakosa, is
Abhira-palii, that is, ' an Abliira hamlet It therefore seems that
Aryaka was an Abhlra by extraction. In this connection we have
also to note that at the very beginning of Act II of the Pratijna-
Yaugandharayapa, the Chamberlain conveys a message of the king
to the Keeper of the Gate apparently through a sentiuel who is
addressed as Abhiraka. Ablilraka is the same thing as Abhlra
which is the name of a well-known tribe, and the sentinel seems to
have been so addressed as he belonged to tliat tribe. Further, if
an Abhira is appointed to guard the innermost parts of a palace
where the king stayed, the presumption is that the king also belonged
to the Abhlra tribe as it is natural to expect tribesmen to protect
their tribal ruler. This is in consonance witli the fact that Aryaka hid
himself in a gho$a, that is, in an_ Abhlra settlement. The only
debatable point is whether the Abhiras were known before the
beginning of the Christian era Dnubl on this point is now set at
rest by the fact that PataBjaU 1 used such a compound word as
Sudr-Abhlra in the sense that, in his time the Abhiras formed an
entirely different jSti from the Sudras. This shows that even as
early* as the middle of the second century B.C. the Abhiras were
considered to be of a grade even lower than the Sudras. It therefore
seems that long before the Christian era the Abhiras were well-
known as a tribe, that possibly they were employed as a ireni-baia
or a tribal contingent by the Vitihotra family of Ujjain, and that
Pumka, the leader of this contingent, took fullest advantage of a
favourable situation by killing the last Vitihotra king and establish-
ing his son Pradyota on the throne.
(2) KSkavama, son of $Hunaga
There is another political episode mentioned in the passage
from the Harsacsrila adverted to above, which wc shall now consider
and which is connected with Kakavarpa, son of Sisunaga. Un-
fortunately, the sentence which describes this incident presents many
variants and is also unnecessarily divided into two parts by tlie
1 .VaAibUiy* (Ho. Sk. Seric*), Vol. I, p. 252. Our attention to this was first
drawn Sy Mr X. G. Majumdar in I*d. Am., VoL XLVII, p. 36.
NOTES ON* ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA
*7
editois. It is, however, not very difficult to restore the text as
follows : Aicarya-kutiihali ca dand-opavata-Y avana-nitmitena nabha-
stala-yayini yanlra-vSnen =Smyala kv=ap\ Kikavarnah Siiwt&gah,
Nagar-opakanthc ban this =c=asva nicakrte nistrirhiena. This
passage also has been considered by Dr. Pradhan who was the
first to correctly point out that Cowell and Thomas in their transla-
tion of it have wrongly separated Kikavarnah from SHnnagah
so as to form two separate sentences. 1 Before, however, we translate
this passage, it is necessary to take into consideration what the
commentator has understood it to mean. The substance of what
SartikarSrya, the commentator, says is a? follows : ' Kakavaiua
conquered the Yavanas and received some Yavaua individuals as
a present. These Yavaua individuals constructed aeroplanes for
him which he used for his libidinous purpose. One day these
Yavanas took him by this conveyance to their own country, and
there they killed him In the light of this explanation by the
commentator we may now translate the text as follows : 1 And,
being curious of marvels, Kakavarca, son of §i£unSga, was carried
away no one knows whither, on an artificial aerial car made by the
Yavanas subdued by Iris power {dand-opav.ata) , and his throat cut
with a knife on the outskirts of Xagara \ If we piece together
the scraps of information supplied by the text and the commentary,
it comes to this. Kakavama, son of SiSunaga, had conquered a
Yavana king and received from him. as present, some Yavana artificers
who constructed an aerial car* for him. This conveyance he used
to help his lascivious courses. One day while his car was being so
driven, the Yavana servants carried liim away to their own country
and lanced him in the vicinity of Nagara where they finished him.
Various questions now arise. What is meant by the word
XagaTa which occurs in the text ? Are we to take it in the sense
of a town in general or of a particular towu called Nagara ? If we
consider the original text carefully aud impartially, the term Nagara
signifying a town in general impai ts no good sense to the passage. For
what is meant by saying that Kdkavarpa was taken by the Yavanas
by aerial passage, nolxidv knew whither, and was landed iu the
neighbourhood of * a towu ’ ? Why a town ? Why not * a village ’
or • a river ' ? Thus the passage does not yield good sense. The
words nagura-ofahanpia of tire text should very well have been
omitted. On the other hand, if we say that he was carried away
* Sir Asutosh Slooturjee b liver Jubilee Volume. Oriemalia, pt. 3, pj». 423-24.
* Wlicthci aviation «.i» known to Ancient Iudii has been dscuased by
B. M Barua and G. P. Majuadar in Tk/C alcutta RrsYw, Vol. 49. Nn 3 (iHxxmbcr.
1923 ), P-
i8
INDIAN’ CULTURE
on an aerial car and landed by the Yavanas on the outskirts of a
town called Nagara, it yields very good sense. Because it was at a
specific place that he was landed. But the question arises : whether
there was such a place as Nagara in the Yavana country ? The
commentary surely says that K&kavarna was killed in the Yavana
territory. Was there then any such place as Nagara in this territory,
that is, not far from the frontiers of India ? Obviously, this Nagara
must be the same as the Nagara referred to in a KharoshthI
inscription of the celebrated Mathura Lion Capital and identified
originally by Cunningham., and, following him, by Prof. Sten Kenow
with Nagar of the Kabul river. 1
The second question tliat we have to consider here is : who
were the Yavanas ? The.y seem to be the Persians. In early
times Yavanas always denoted the Greeks but, from the second
century’ A.D. onwards it seems to have been used to denote the
Persians. Thus the well-known J unagadh rock inscription of Rudra-
daman speaks of a Yavana prince called Tu$aspa,® which evidently
is not a Greek but a Persian name. Similarly, Kalidasa in his
Ra°kuvaihSa (canto IV, vs. 6o-6r) speaks of a people whom he
rails both Parasikas (Persians) and Yavanas.' When B&pa, who
lived in the seventh century, makes mention of the Yavanas, we
have thus most probably tx/understand the Persians by that term.
Thirdly Samkararya, the commentator, informs us that Kaka-
varna had conquered the Yavanas. This seems to be implied by
the word dand-opanala occurring in the text. It must, however, be
admitted that we would not have come to this conclusion if the
gloss had not been explicit on this point. Similarly, he tells us that
Kakavama was murdered in the Yavana country. This is not
even so much as implied by the text. It may naturally be asked
whether Samkararya was indebted for this information to some
extraneous authority. I have elsewhere pointed out that even in
the episode where Chandragupta is mentioned in the HarsacarUa as
having destroyed the Lord of the Sakas iu the guise of Dhruva-
svamini, the commentator has given us the additional information
that this Dhruvasvamim was the wife of his elder brother, —a
piece of information which ian absolutely counter to the Gupta
inscriptions l ullin g us uniformly that she was the wife of Chandra-
gupta himself and not of lus brother and which no scholar could
1 C.IJ.. VoL II, Pi. i, pp. 45 and 48 (F). Compare also Nagar ah ilia in
Uttarapatha mentioned in the Gliosrawa insrripticc of the time of Devapala [Ini.
Ait/., VcL XVII, p. 309).
• Ep. Ini., VoL VIII, p. 43, L 8. Bombay Goa., VoL I, Pt. x, p. 14.
* An. Bhani. Ori. Res. Ins., Vol. VIII, p. 134.
NOTES ON* ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA
19
therefore accept 1 until some fragments from the drama Devt-
CandtagufAa of VisSkhadatta were discovered and published by
Dr. Sylvam Levi. Everybody is now agreed that she was originally
the wife of the elder brother RSma(Kaca)gupta and was afterwards
wedded by the younger brother Chaudragupta. For the same reason
it seems reasonable to accept as true what he says about K3ka varna,
namely, that he subdued the Yavanas but was afterwards
treacherously killed in the Yavana country, though this does not
follow at all from the text. It is possible that in this case also there
must have been some independent work in existence upon which
both B 3 na and Sarhkararya drew for their statements. We may
therefore take it as all but certain that Kakavarpa extended his
conquests as far north-westward as Gandhara by defeating the
Yavanas, who in this case could be no other than the Achemenians.
This conclusion need not surprise us, because the Puranas say that
ffi&inaga, the father of Kftkavarpa, annihilated the renown of the
Pradyota dynasty, placed his son in Varapasl or Benares and made
Giri vraja (Rajgir) his capital .* This means that Sisunaga made himself
master not ouly of Kosala but also of Avanti. This further means
that he annexed the Vats* kingdom also which lay between Kosala
and Avanti. He was thus practically the ruler of the whole Northern
India except the Punjab and Rajputana. It was therefore natural
that Sisunaga’s son, Kakavarpa, should after the demise of his
father turn his attention to the Punjab with a view to expand the
Magadha dominions. And if what Bana and SamkarSrya say is
true, this is exactly what Kakavarna was expected to do. Further,
tliis fits excellently, because the hold of the Achemenians over
Gandhara and ‘ India ' (Sind) was nominal after Khgayarsa or
Xerxes (486-465 B.C.), and it is quite possible that by 393-365 B.C.
when Kakavarna (=Asoka) ruled, he did not find it a difficult task to
conquer the Persian Satrap and wrest from him Gandhara at least,
leaving for him the Indian province conterminous with Bactria
and having Nagar as its capital town.
* 3 / iiaviy» Cenmtnurahon Vclune, 1932, pp. 192-93
• Pargilcs. Dynasties 0/ the Kali Age, pp, 2X and 68.
SOME BENGAL VAI§N-\VA WORKS IN SANSKRIT
By S. K. De
In the Dacca University Manuscript collection we have come
across a few Sanskrit Stotra? which arc attributed to Vasudcvn
Sarvabhauma, apparently the Vedfintist scholar who is reported to
have been converted hv Caitnnya at Puri.
VSsudeva is described as a Navadvipa scholar who must have
been much older than Caitanya, for Caitanya’s maternal grandfather
NflAmbara-Cakravartin is said to have been a friend of Visudeva's
father Mahefivara-ViSarada. Among Vasadeva’s already known
Sanskrit works we have a commentary on Laksmidhara’s Aivaita-
inakaranda, 1 the colophon as well as the opening and closing verses
of which commentary designate the author Vasudeva-Bhattacarya
as GaudlyScSrva. At the close of the work Vasudeva refers to his
father BhattacArya-Vi&irada as r edanta-vidvamaya * and informs us
that the work was completed under the patronage of Gajapati
Prataparudra of Orissa who is said to have humbled the pride of
Krsnaraya, king of Karbala. A work on NvAya entitled Samasa-
vdda by Sarvabhauma-Bhattaearya is mentioned by Aufrecht.*
Tradition which makes Vasudeva into a great academic figure
ascribes to him a SUrvabhauma-nirukii, apparently a gloss on the
Tattva-cinl&mani, the standard work on Navy a Nyaya, but nothing
is known of this alleged work. Gopinatha Kaviraj however informs
us * that Vasudeva’s commentary on the Tattva-cinlSmani is called
SSravaB and is available in fragments. Gopinatli Kaviraj also
speaks of a T attva-dipikS of S&rvabhauma-Bhatt&c&rya, but un-
fortunately he furnishes no further information on these works.
The Bengali biographies of Caitanya written within one century
of his death (1533 A.D.), give us some information about the
Vedflntist scholar. Jayananda tells us that in his adoration of
Caitanya the inspired SSrvabhauma composed then and there on
his conversion an eulogistic Caitanya$taka,* consisting obviously of
' H. L. Mitra, S diets oj Sanskrit Manuscripts, viii, No. 2854. pp. 201-92.
! Cotsnath Kaviraj 'Sarascatl Bhavana Stuaies, IV. p. 6 ascribes a Pratyakfa-
tnam-moMivan on the Tattva-tinlSmovi to Mabcirara Vitarada.
* Catalog iu Cata/ogorum, i, p. (</xt.
* Op. cit pp. 63. 6S.
* wrn ti"a w* 1 erWhr wrw^fW 1 Caitanya msHgala,
p. 125.
INDIAN CULTURE
22
eight verses. Jayananda also ascribes to him a Caitanya-sahasra-
nama 1 in verse, and a Sala-Uoki '■ on Caitanya, the last apparently
in hundred verses. Vpidivanadflsa * also refers to Sarvabhauma 's
hundred verses { $ata-£loka ) in glorification of Caitanya. Jayananda
further mentions an A sloilara-iata-ndma by Sarvabhauma, apparently
a poem giving one hundred and eight epithets of Caitanya. 4
Sarvabhauma might have also written something on the life of
Caitanya, for Jayinauda ascribes to him the credit of being the
VySsa-Avatftra with respect to the Caitanya-carita .*
So far as we have been able to trace, an anonymous Caitanyd-
sMtara-iata-nama is mentioned in the Proceedings of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, 1865, p. 139, which list also enters an AdvaitOslak 1,
apparently a series of eight verses on Caitaiiya’s elderly associate
Advaita, by Sarvabhauma. Roth’s Tubingen Catalogue (p. 10)
also mentions a work called Caitanya-di'ddaSa-ndma-sMra by Sarva-
bhauma.
We may also mention here that in the anthology of Vaisnava
Sanskrit verses compiled, under the title Pady avail,* by RGpa
GosvSmin, an immediate disciple of Caitanya, we liave seven verses
ascribed to S 3 rvabhauma-BhattScarya (Nos. 72, 73, 90, 91, 99,
100, t33), while to Kavi-sarvabhauma, probably a different poet, is
attributed one verse (No. 132). These verses are :
* nv) n *1 ^ t?wf<swnTin ! 1
* n 3 ifjf«r?TTWT’ wre r»?lvf%nVf'«r«. i‘ 1 1
qfrrrq vm flvra *rg *i«<1 ^ th f4^i« vw 1
yf* fVgam fatSsire 1 1
' 1 Hiitihi cfVw **tw ftmw* 1 op. cU., p. 3.
9 antf* vrWbmw 1 p- x* 5 >
* 'I ■" vrinbi wuflfm 1 njfn art »fc 1 CaUanya-bha^avala,
Antya iii.
* •iJJlW ffii* I Caitjnya-muHgata, p. 1*5.
6 vrWtw i wri «ftw nn 1 p. 3. The Vaisnava
hagiolog)', however, knows Vrndjvaiij-iiisa aa an incarnation of Vyisa, the reputed
author of the SiXmad-bkigaiita (Kavikaraapura’s Gauragar.oddcSa-dipih*. SI. 109),
and KrsnadSsa Kaviraja applies this epithet to Vjndivana-dSsa in many parages
of his work.
* A critical edition of this work based on 16 manuscripts by the present
writer in being printed, and will be shortly published iu the Dacca University
Oriental Text Series. The numbering of the verses os well as attribution are as In
this edition.
SOME BEN-GAL VATSNAVA WORKS IN SANSKRIT
23
I L° I
MT^ nrf*t m JT *>"i I
wivHWwrvtf* ftr *» fV*f*rrrtfin 1 1
TO* *n^» mi vftrcNWtfer^t r*if«ja(
*^wt*r ftftfJN gteffM.ftMfr f-t^wf wfm I
TOW **r«.»nrnni: flOI« fi« $ »w*
iRi mil’ll wftnrww^fh 1 «. 1
«rft 'T'T'r *ii^vl ««t™
*or> *^N 1 Jfnt: I t, • •
wr^tfKfi H"T mrri> *j***l«uei<».*q«i ^TK: I \*» I
rfriJ |
« *rw of^a*r*TT w 1 ^ 1
■r^i ■ *nrrf ■ TOfro*r 1 wffr s w fwiffit tfwn 1
an
nro 1 w 1
It is noteworthy that while no. 133 is ascribed in this anthology
to Sarvabhauma-BhatUcarya with the name spelt in the honorific
plural, the verse immediately preceding, no. 132, is assigned to
Kavi-sarvabhauma with the name spelt in the singular; and this
mode of ascription would probably indicate that the two names
refer to two different poets. All these verses liave for their theme
the adoration of Krsna ; they could not therefore have been taken
from the CailanyOstaka of Sarvabhauma-Bhattacarya.
Again, An an din in his commentary on PrabodliSnanda's
Caitanya-candramjta, 1 which is a series of 143 verses in praise of
Caitanya, quotes (on £. 143) two verses from the Caitanyaslalta
of SSrvabhauma thus :
Trot
qjDP arm;
B'nwftrfomr rrai) 1 \ 1
1 Ed. Berhampore Xadbaraman Press. Murshidabad, B.S. 1333 (=1927 A.D.).
24
INDIAN CULTCRK
wrais® fa* *n urjwi^ Wl^PW t^t i
anfaHcTO© mrn.fa% rri irri *?i u<ii frv*er g ? r
These two verges are again cited by liim in his comments on 6!. 41
with the indication : aaiva-vidvac-chnomayufola-ralm-vdsudeva-sama-
bh a it ma-bhaft deary dnam anubhavo yathH. This appears to confirm
the tradition about Sarvabhauma’s authorship of an Astaka in
praise of Caitanya ; for, the genuineness of Atiau din's citation is
supported by other independent evidence. The second of the two
verses cited as above by him, is also found quoted and attributed to
Sarvabhauma- Bliattacarya {tad ukiam iri-sdn'alhauma-bhattacdrya-
fddaih) by Sanataua Gosvamin, also an immediate disciple of
Caitanya and Rupa’s brother, in his own commentary on his Sanskrit
Brhad-bhdgavatamrfa (on si. 3). Kavikarnapura in his Sanskrit
drama Cattanya-candrodaya 1 (vi, 43-44) puts these two verses in a
letter which he makes Vasudeva write and send to Caitanya through
D&modara and Jagadananda. Anandin, no doubt, knew this
dramatic version 02 Caitanya’s life by Karnapura, wliich he quotes
elsewhere in his commentary (on §1. 62), but as KavikarnapQia
does not mention unyCaildny&slaka in connexion with these verses,
it is probable that Anandin took them independently from this
Astaka itself of Sirvabhauma. Vriidivana-dasa also places these
two verses hi the mouth of Sarvabhauma (Antya, iii), but he docs
not indicate his source ; while Krsoadasa Kaviraja obviously adopts
Kavikarnapura’s story which he reproduces, along with these verses,
in his Bengali Cailauya-caritdntyla (Madhya vi, 248 256).* It is
noteworthy that Rupa Gosvamin mentions Sarvabhauma in one
of his own three CaitanySstakas, which were apparently modelled on
SSrvabhauma’s earlier work of this type ; for, in this connexion
Rupa tells us that Caitanya’s greatness could not be described even
by men of great intelligence like Sarvabhauma.’
The manuscripts which we have examined in the Dacca
University collection give us several works ascribed to Sarvabhauma-
BhattScSrya. but the genuineness of these pedestrian verses is
extremely doubtful. Xone of the above verses, cited by Anandin
and others, as well as those found in the Padyavalf, can be traced
• Ed. Kavyamala 87, Bombay 1917. The work is expressly dated in Saka
1494**‘57* A.D.
• This work was composed in 1615 A.D. Sex IHQ, ix, 1933, pp. 98-99. Tlx
fact that Krtnadass. expressly acknowledges hir. indebtedness lo Vrnduvana dasa's
Caitanya-lbdearala puts the date ol the latter work some time earlier at the close
of the 16U1 century.
• nu lariuiytium iiolt gurv.laratxiUrdyila 1
Utaia/Uam Mu-b\tddhayo > 1 a f/iaiu tdnat/hiumaAayah 1
SOME BENGAL VAl&'AVA WORKS IN SANSKRIT
25
in them. These are probably the productions of some later unknown
scribbler or scribblers of stereotyped Stotras, betraying a curious
knowledge of Sanskrit language and prosody, as well as strange
mixing up of Bengali words and forms, which can hardly be fathered
upon a great Sanskrit scholar like Vasudeva. They are very short
poems, all in praise of Caitanva, while one is devoted to the glorifica-
tion of Caitanya's associate Nitvananaa. The fact or tradition that
Sarvabhauma wrote in praise of Caitanya, no doubt, facilitated the
attribution of these later verses in a lump upon the Vedantist convert
when lus original poems were lost in course of time ; and this
sectarian zeal further made him responsible for verses even in praise
of Advaita and Xityflnanda. As poems or even as Stotras, these
verses hardly possess any value, but as they are short compositions
we transcribe them here as curiosities, for they are interesting
specimens which illustrate certain aspects of the later development
of the cult. One of these is called Gmtrastaka, tile other CaiUinya-
stakii, but both arc poor imitations of Jayadeva's metrical style
and the two verses cited above do not of course occur in them. The
third poem in ordinary Anu^tubh Sloka metre is called Sarva-
faradha-bhanjana $n-cp ilanya-Hamaslottara-iata (25 verses). The
fourth work is also a Stotra of the above Astaka type in mixed
Sanskrit and Bengali jargon, but it calls itself £ri-eaitanya-caritSvali .
In all these poems, the respective colophons give the name of the
author as Sarvabhauma-Bhattacarya. omitting his name Vasudeva ;
but this mode of citation by his title only is^also found to refer to
Vasudeva in the works of Rupa, Snnatana, Anandin and others, as
well as in the Bengali Vaisnava works. We reproduce the language,
spelling and metre in this transcription without any attempt at
emendation or correction. .After these specimens, it will be hardly
worthwhile to transcribe here the other poems ascribed to SSrva-
bhauma-Bkattaearya, such as $riman-N ityananda-pr abhor Asiottara-
iala-nama, which we have in the Dacca University collection but
which are of the same type.
>
*?tn an%3Rr^no eh: I
iwmvri jftrETET HrafrsT 1
UT&ni ^ vnir'ftWE'i; | » 1
HTOW|pr»n«r»irro a 1 5. 1
INDIAN* CDX-TUPR
*ijor*»r*reraf3*TC i
^wfawair^«Piwr« <* nalrnf* i » i
■*l«.vn»w»7ti v*i (**;"«>«'; 'mfi*. |
**
TWfa f^^C ^TT W ftr^ X Ufarf? I 8 n
^i^wTPnrr«n7Tf?nr^rr »f»rTO%»^T«-*n?tr
R nSwif'? i ^ i
s s5l*nf? i $ i
* * ra«Tfj I a I
f>M« ■»na««w*<w»o*i i
*3 T >W f r » v^ 7i a ni«if< i •= I
v- irjg uavuiu a’t^rerarea i
nwwffli ^if*<**i «shi i /. j
n.
H*rayaTf«<T»tOirtiii-» <jPAm -T u.rnyufH* i
wnfaifaa ot««s -£ ifta; *w€» I < I
*nrafaip*y a ■ct'a'i 401 1
*ifi)l (?) M»f<i «S7 flTH «T*t> *IZaM4i«lte I ^ I
fa T ENa -faf* c i m^w i ^^arfafvanrarBfmr 1
t-^n-s wi«<«tfe I ^ I
« i 1 *a 1 s 1
n^w^TTiRflra^aTre ’jrnrianf? I v 1
SOME BEXGAI. VAISNAVA WORKS IN SANSKRIT
*r«**5*rf< i i i
yFTn^r^rftinv i
V f *mK ( bBMfrn%% *& r« n f* I « I
wfiiftT fmrrfofayl *r* rtrft i c i
Tfif *J| «s i i *?!•* ii f« ^ A J| J| A*
m.
^ i
« T W * P Cfr m r a *TT*W I * I
TOT^f *nf*Hi M**r- I * I
wjrarsjfijEipr ftwrowt i
w^hipiT* TV i ^ i
A fipr*A i
fwfflipv HTW ^tf^refrtTn*: | 8 I
n Anr- r»Jw*ru"i stt^ i
»t«rei nxs; *«»j«lsr ti*J* : 1 1 1
fi r yr w qv®*!tww i
Jl *«*<•■ i*»«t vpiurfirgai | < I
"flirt IMqiffl: ttO-n*- I
i*t*i«ii' ! wt«i tjjt i « i
>^onrrft »^*q«’>r»"r i
STanr^wf i « i
28
INDIAN CULTURE
mwgg r r HT ■n i
** »rinTfofin* wk i
f^ wriTpi 1 i
JJH I \e I
Jgfa: 53W5TT WiafflHT I
I.T t fc «4 wt>lMfa7T^V<r»r*: | ^ II
5Wftr^«T«ffli: !W ffHir»ii^**Mia*( : i
^dUflfytn fir«PT^W5*r^T^i I
* 3 ?^ f*r«t ui&Tl&iw- 1 1 » i
n^nnunuirc wrf*Ti ww« ; l
•rfft^ifU^uunl ftiwf^irn i \» n
'swi^7f^T*rfin< : #.f» :
wrNr^f ti •!•''! *nj«-^ u *' a -'“'' : i i
lidiH WB’WPTT <tni'l*^fUM jp<! i
'u'*ti;j«]«*mb: wWl^wwr a a
^jas-iiw* wftvrt uwif«*w*c\^ |
w rc pwft *nrmhr\ TT'iwfnra'p vg< i \« i
swlm^ ^a: i
^^iw*iinapwihrrewreis i \*= a
it r<j %aarai hvimi i
, H«in «3fy<nn*1 1 n
TOiafwT^ *j? •n«fl *rra *ilU<i. i
*iiFm<i ^tjuTsTl *ff^H«IV|W u^n I
l *^* | u TOI *nwr H?<t vN i
X F« 1 %a=*re *'TTWt> | ^ D
SOME BENGAL VAISNAVA WORKS IN SANSKRIT
29
K$Jc{ I
^*w« ^ wwt *m »nn»i 1 1
3T3Ri 0TSHWTO RTEWn? 1
%cTRK*re wfrtH^fa TH-R* I * H I
ftroim iftm 'iarera jnrn*ia 1
r*<«l >4 I SI ' *- H*ft , TK i 1 c
t% «»rm:cwe< ^d-fi'i^i^Twira «Rp *
*?IN"»Tr*T** hr 1
-f fi ^ TORi f g fd T f» ? <5i U4 *vu‘
f<wj^T«r' f***ora«ir flfTfli «RT» 1 1 1
H»J®HJ4«lTn <f<<Hfdd«W TOT -BAii «»«**•
f* W^f UTHR'I’fl ffUfSRI*? WfiHJTR Si®!!*' I * I
yflRTOf* TRT fr »Vri FirKWlTTwrailH 1
*rHn;« «ifir -fa»if«nfr «gnfii wfs«'i‘V«»i 1 ^ g
«Hy^fA*Vt wfdidi f\ JTO?-«*n?I XJrf^fffTT 1
^VlTWRTflT TTH JTTTV* «%d I 14 1
»T^W»rrf«* TTWTO fj-KTIRMfra S2=rar |
®YWBW!f wfdfwT *reir<-«jr g ^ I
rstht^ f*nftr Tforfrrt"* wra^Rif rtomt i
■©i rsi TI«A ■oft wa fpr > I er« Rj» arfaw*' g < i
H«<OW777T^ ^PTT’nyOIR cf" *H=T
MER ’ u fT irrwviHjr Riaf*mr* w?<srt I a l
p f ^f r a w*»? trHrf»'n-v*a cr«wr»rnw7i i
h^j vfcvnt 'i=E n^T3<i‘ R»«<m r «Hi ^Mgr4i i « g
vfa ^r%H**nrfc«T^f" «w: i
i *. i
INDO- JAVANESE LITERATURE
By R. C. Majumdar
From an early date Indian literature was carried to Java,
though the nature and extent of this importation is not exactly
known. The study of this literature led to the growth of an Tndo-
E /anese literature, which forms one of the most characteristic
tures of Indian colonisation in that island. Nowhere else, outside
India,, has Indian literature been studied with so much advantage
and with snch important consequences. The range and intrinsic
value of this Indo-Javanesc literature is, indeed, very great. As in
other departments of civilisation, so here too, a fine superstructure
was built in Java upon foundations so well and truly laid by the
Indians. It will be beyond my scope to enter into a detailed
discussion of the contents and merits of this literature and I shall
therefore confine myself only to a general outline of the subject.
As is well-known, the history of the Indian colony in Java may
be divided into three broad chronological periods, according as the
chief seat of political authority was in the west, centre and the east
of the island. For the first of these periods, we have no trace of
any literature proper, although the inscriptions of Plirnavarman
clearly testify to the knowledge o; Sanskrit language and literature.
This knowledge becomes more intensive and extensive during the
second period. This is proved not only by inscriptions, but also
by the extensive monuments of the period, both Brahmanical and
Buddhist, as the sculptures carved therein are mostly, if not ex-
clusively, illustrations of Indian books. This period also probably
saw the beginnings of Indo-Javanese literature; I say probably,
because only three books may be tentatively ascribed to this period
and the date of each of them is a subject-matter of great controversy.
It is only when wc come to the third period that we find the Indo-
Javancsc literature taking a definite shape. For nearly five hundred
years (1000-1500 A.D.) this literature had an unbroken and flourishing
career in the east under the patronage of the kings of Kadiri or
Daha, Singhasari and Majapahi:.
The Muslim conquest of Majapahit brought to an end what is
usually called the Old- J avanese literature. The subsequent develop-
ment of Javanese literature took place in two different localities. The
Javanese who took refuge in Bah continued the literary efforts,
and their literary products arc referred to as Middle-Javanese. On
the other hand, there was a revival of literary culture in Central
32
INPTAX CULTURE
Java, in the new Muslim kingdom of Mataram, and the result was
the growth of what is called the New- Javanese literature.
While the Middle- Javanese literature may be regarded as a
normal development from the Old-Javanese, the same cannot he
said of the New- Javanese, for although the literary traditions of
the Old-Javanese still form its main basis, in language, form and
substance, it shows a wide divergence from the latter. In other
words, the process of Javanisation is more noticeable in New-
Javanese than in the Middle- Javanese.
Two different views have been entertained regarding the origin
of the New- Javanese literature. According to tlie older view*
it is the result of a conscious but futile effort to imitate the old-
Javanese literature of the east, and its futility and the consequent
artificial and degraded character arc due to the influence of Islam.
For the Islamic conquest of Java not only ushered in a period of
political unrest, chaos and confusion which proved fatal to all fine
arts including literature, but also thrust in a wedge between the old
and the new, obliterating, or at least considerably blurring the past
and giving a new orientation to the present and the future.
According to the other and more recent view,* the rise of the
New- Javanese literature in the new kingdom of Mataram was a
revival of the literary traditions of Central Java which lay dor-
mant for a period of nearly six or seven hundred years. The
long gap or break in the continuity of the traditions is regarded as
sufficient to explain the wide divergences from the old-Javanese.
The greater progress of Javanisation is further explained by the fact
that the absence of political centres in Central Java loosened the
hold of Indian civilisation and inevitably led to a corresponding
increase in the indigenous influence.
The artificial classic language of the New- Javanese literature
is called Kavi.* Formerly this word was used to denote the old
language of Java in general, but now the term Old-Javanese is
used to indicate the language which was current up to the fall of
Majapaliit and the Middle- Javanese to indicate that used by the
Javanese in Bali. We thus get three broad divisions of Indo-
J avanese literature, viz. : —
1. Old-Javanese.
2. Middle-J avanese.
3. New-J avanese.
1 Cf.,e.g. G. A. J. Hsuteu— Oud en Nieiuv uit de Javaansche Lettei-Kunde
(JQ21). pp. 6-7.
3 Bcig-Hooidlijacn, pp. 16-17.
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